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  • Why the Euro Can’t Work

    by Jeffrey Tucker

    Watching the Euro melt has confirmed what only a handful of people had predicted — and had done so against the expectations of the entire European and American establishment, for whom the creation of this single currency was the achievement of a lifetime of planning.

    The whole European currency scheme was both brilliant and crazy. It was brilliant because Europe should have a united currency. In fact, the whole world should have a united currency. Once upon a time, it did. It was called the gold standard. National currencies were just another name for the same core thing — a nationalist spin on a global consensus. If some country had waved around an unbacked piece of paper and called it money, no one would have taken it seriously.

    And the gold standard was internally policing. If one country debauched the currency, gold would flow out, the thing would lose credibility, and capital would flee to places that took sound finance seriously. Governments were restrained, the hands of politicians were tied (they could only spend what they could overtly steal), and markets ruled the day. The politicians hated it but markets were free, stable, and growing.

    So, yes, there is a case for single currencies in regions or even the entire world. Truly, why should people and multinational commercial institutions have to go through the ridiculous headache of changing currencies at the border? This is just pointless. Imagine if an inch meant something different in every country and you had to come to a new understanding of its meaning in order to build on this as versus that side of the border? Markets don’t like this kind of pointless exercise. The natural market tendency is toward unity in what matters (money) and disunity where it matters (competition and entrepreneurship).

    So the European elites who cobbled together the Euro after many decades of planning played to that sense, and developed a reasonable expectation of a wonderful Europe united with peace and free trade, all with a single currency. It seemed like a recreation of an older, freer, more wonderful world. So why not?

    Here’s why not: the gold standard no longer exists. It hasn’t existed since the politicians destroyed the last remnants of it in the early 1970s. And it was in 1970 that the idea of a single currency for Europe went from the dream stage to the planning stage. At the end of the gold standard, the idea should have been dropped but it was not. The planning elites had it in their heads that this was the only way forward, and nothing would stop them.

    A single currency seemed like a great idea to the relatively weak economies of Europe. The lira peseta, escudo, franc, and drachma would no longer suffer at the hands of traders who seemed to forever cling to the German mark. They could inflate would consequence. Knowing this to be a problem, the pro-Euro planners cobbled together certain safeguards. There would be a single central bank and sovereign countries would have to give up autonomous control over monetary policy. The same would apply to national finance: no more endless running of deficits and no more free-spending legislatures.

    As a condition of entering the currency union, countries would have to agree to all these terms and more, including harmonized regulatory systems. Governments would have to confess their prior sins and swear on a holy copy of the EU Constitution that they would be good from now on.

    Well, that didn’t happen, but the planners were so dead set on the notion of a single currency that they decided to look the other way. All these entered the union with debt and broken banking systems, all in a sort of collective hope that the whole could cover the sins of the parts.

    Sure enough, the southern countries experienced a wonderful boon following the introduction of the Euro. Interest rates on government bonds fell dramatically – not because their citizens were suddenly saving and the banks were flush with capital. The reason was the new perception that the European Central Bank would operate as a guarantor of the debt of all Eurozone countries. In other words, rates fell in Europe for the same reason they fell in the United States: the centralization was creating a moral hazard (that is, an institutional incentive for people to seek unearned gains, or take risks which endanger others instead of themselves — think of bankers who knew they were “too big to fail,” so they gambled recklessly.)

    This set off a lovely economic boom that later led to bust, there just as here. The central bank, however, had already promised that it would not be involved in any bailout schemes, that it would only fight inflation. This was a strange repeat of history because this is precisely what the Fed had claimed when it was created too. Central banks always say this at the outset: we will sleep with the money but we won’t actually do anything. We will resist every temptation!

    The problems here are incredibly obvious. Countries had not actually given up all their fiscal authority. Most importantly, their banking systems still had control and, thanks to fractional reserve banking, they still could create money, and in a way that the central bank could not control. This too is a consequence of not being on a gold standard that automatically regulates and restrains the banking systems.

    Now, each national banking system, and even each bank, ran its own discretionary policy, with the implicit (but never stated) guarantee from the central bank that it would never let the system fail. Worse, every country in Europe had to accept this money.

    Economist Philipp Bagus of Juan Carlos in Madrid observes that the whole system embedded a kind of monetary imperialism from unsound economies to sound economies, dragging down economic structure and poisoning the whole system with the viruses of the worst states. If this story sounds familiar to Americans, it should. This is the same problem that gave rise to the crazy real estate boom in the U.S. and the subsequent meltdown. It’s our old friend Mr. Moral Hazard, but operating across the entire Eurozone.

    Hans-Hermann Hoppe, the economist who predicted this whole scenario in the early 1990s, observes that this centralization is the inevitable path of paper-money regimes, as governments constantly seek higher and higher authorities to expiate their sins. With each step, the money gets qualitatively worse and the imposition of economic controls becomes ever more tyrannical.

    What is the way out? Everyone is now talking about the restoration of national currencies, and while that is a better approach than standing by as the entire system collapses and the contagion spreads around the world, it is not as easy as it seems. Every country that wants to reassert its national currency will have to give up their debt addictions and clean up their fiscal houses. The banking system will have to be deleveraged. Industries sustained by the Euro subsidy will have to go belly up.

    If this fantasy actually became true, it would be entirely possible for any one country (hint: Germany) to adopt an authentic gold standard, perhaps inspiring others to do the same. The end result — we are talking about a decade-long process here — could in fact be another single European currency, a sound currency rooted in reality and not the hallucinations of politicians and financial elites.

    How much tolerance is there in the world today for such pain? You only need to look at the US situation to get an idea. The technocrats in charge today are completely unlike those of yesteryear. They will not permit wholesale deleveraging. They believe that they have to tools to prevent all pain, and the political systems of the world are structured to punish anyone who thinks about long-term gains over short-term pain. If you doubt that, take off an evening and watch the Republican presidential debates.

    The views expressed by the authors and editorial staff are not necessarily the views of
    Sophia Institute, Holy Spirit College, or the Thomas More College of Liberal Arts.

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    • Micha Elyi

      “The technocrats in charge today… believe that they have to tools to prevent all pain”.

      I agree that belief is a folly. The economic pain that follows foolish behavior cannot be avoided forever. Artificially postponing that pain causes the pain that is ultimately suffered to grow as if by compounding.

      Are a majority of American voters ready to cast a ballot for a candidate who admits the road ahead requires toil, sweat, and tears? (‘Blood’ won’t be required yet, but if Americans blow off this election…) Popular elections alone can’t raise up officeholders who are better than those who cast the winning ballots.

    • Martial Artist

      @Micha Elyi,

      I very strongly suspect that your fears of what will transpire “if Americans blow off this election” are very well founded.

      Pax et bonum,
      Keith Töpfer

      • Sarto

        We’re dead ducks. As Plato said, the great weakness of a democracy is this: It’s people will not vote for sacrifice.
        And the great weakness of Laissez Faire capitalism is this: it’s inevetible logic causes wealth to flow up, from bottom to top, until there is so much misery at the bottom that the whole thing collapses. Communism was not a virus that came from outer space. It was a reaction to unspeakable misery, as you see when you read Dickens. Laissez Faire capitalism began to take over with Reagan, the final regulatory law left over from the Great Depression was removed in 1998, and only ten years later, the structure collapsed and the world lost half its wealth in two weeks. The thing that amazes me is that Jeffrey Tucker and Crisis continue to believe in this tooth fairy.

        • http://whiterosebrian.deviantart.com Brian A Cook

          Thank you for asking tough questions, Sarto.

        • TomD

          De-regulation of the United States economy began in the late 1970s under Jimmy Carter, not Reagan.

          Prior to the expansion of big government after the 1960s, the distribution of wealth in the United States was among the most equitable in any economic system in human history. Why, as government has gotten bigger, has economic opportunity and wealth distribution decreased? It is not “laissez-faire” capitalism . . . it is collusion and concentration of power between big government and big business.

          To critique our economic system under the guise of laissez-faire capitalism is nonsense. The economy in the United States is not, and never has approached anything remotely like laissez-faire capitalism.

          If anything, our economic woes are a result of an overly intrusive government and, particularly in the last twenty years, the collusion between big government and big business . . . the mortgage debt debacle being the most glaring and recent example.

          Freedom is always a challenge for the non-virtuous.

      • Cord Hamrick

        Sarto:

        We may very well be dead ducks. I can’t deny that.

        But I have several disagreements with the other things you say in your post. Or, perhaps not so much with what you say, but with what you assume and what you have not said, that should have been said.

        You speak of “the great weakness of Laissez Faire capitalism.” First, I wonder: How would you know? You experience that system occasionally in microeconomics, but in your lifetime you have probably not experienced anything close to it in macroeconomics.

        Moreover, is not the weakness you describe plainly the great weakness of Socialism, of Communism, of Fascism, of, well, really, every economic system involving sinful human beings? Who is powerful in Europe apart from the political class of bureaucrats in Brussels and their cronies? And who had more wealth and privilege in Nazi Germany than the Nazis?

        And as for Communism!

        You speak of Communism being a reaction to unspeakable misery. Well, so was the fall of Communism and what came after it. You speak of Laissez Faire Capitalism having an “inevitable logic causing wealth to flow up from bottom to top….” But that is even more true of Communism: While the poor stood in line for food and toilet paper and medicines which were watered-down, the Central Committee members had palatial dachas and power to command death and exile at a whim. Hong Kong, prior to the Chinese takeover, was probably the closest attempt at laissez faire capitalism in recent history: And it was a paragon of social equality, opportunity, and happiness by comparison to Mao’s China and the U.S.S.R.

        You say that it amazes you that Mr. Tucker and Crisis believe in “this tooth fairy.” Well, in one sense any economic system is a tooth fairy, in the long run: All “isms” break down, for it is a fallen world and the Second Advent is the sole possible hope of a truly just world. Why single out the best economic system for the same criticisms that apply just as more or worse to the worst systems?

        The question, then, is whether any economic system is more moral than the others: And there, free market capitalism, when defined as its advocates define it, is far-and-away superior to the alternatives. Free market capitalism is just political freedom applied to a certain part of our lives: Our economic lives. (This is, if you think about it, the part of our lives that occupies the largest swath of our non-sleeping hours, so it’s a pretty important part of our lives.) In their political lives, people vote at the ballot-box; in their economic lives, people vote with their dollars.

        But let’s define it the way the free market capitalism advocates define it. (That’s only fair: Just as Catholics, not Protestants, are permitted to define what they mean by “Catholicism,” so too free marketers, not communists, ought to be permitted to define what they mean by “free market capitalism.”)

        There are two primary requirements for free market capitalism:

        1. The Rule of Law, especially…
        (a.) Property Rights strongly protected, along with all other human rights (so, no slavery, no fraud);
        (b.) Contracts and Titles strongly enforced;
        (c.) Laws permitting and protecting shares of ownership in commercial ventures;

        2. Government confined to, but effectively executing, its proper scope (mostly police, military, and judiciary functions), including…
        (a.) Government encourages savings and private charity instead of driving them out of existence by taxing non-consumption more than consumption or through compulsory redistribution;
        (b.) Government does not operate businesses in competition with private businesses, or impose regulations on business so onerous as to effectively pick marketplace winners and losers;
        (c.) Government does not interfere with pricing, but encourages pricing signals to be transmitted through the market rapidly with minimal distortion and permitting only natural opportunities for arbitrage;
        (d.) Provide any non-privatizable economic infrastructure; most notably, a stable currency consistently maintaining between 0% and 1% annual inflation.

        Given those requirements, the advocates of free-market capitalism predict not that society will be perfect and full of sweetness and light, but rather, that:

        1. People will be more empowered, for good or ill, to acquire what they decide to acquire, provided it is within their means;

        2. Their means will be more determined by their own choices than is possible under other systems;

        3. These choices will only be morally good choices if the people making them are morally good…and achieving that end is neither the responsibility of government nor of the marketplace (who are incompetent and untrustworthy to train the people in morality), but of the people and their churches, with which government and marketplace ought not interfere;

        4. This does not mean that free market capitalism is entirely morally neutral, however:

        (a.) It is more moral than systems which unnecessarily uses force to rob men of their freedom of economic choice, because doing that does injury to their intrinsic human dignity;

        (b.) Some requirements of free market capitalism work to incentivize certain kinds of morality; notably the “middle class morality” of paying one’s debts, avoiding borrowing to begin with, saving, entrepreneurialism, and maybe even such prudent life-choices as giving alms and getting and staying married. When these incentives are undermined (as in the current mixed economy of the U.S.) there will naturally be less of these things; when the incentives are in full operation, there will be more of these things.

        Therefore, given a relatively moral and religious people (the same prerequisites for a Constitutional Democratic Republic, by the way, according to the Founding Fathers of the United States!) free market capitalism will produce a relatively moral set of outcomes:

        Being generous, people will generously give alms to their neighbors;

        Being prudent, people will save their money for a rainy day and not buy frivolous baubles nor invest in get-rich-quick schemes;

        …and so on.

        But to the degree one is dealing with an immoral and unwise people, of course, their increased freedom to make immoral and unwise choices will reveal their inner character.

        Sarto, what we have in the United States today is not free market capitalism. It is a mixed system, and the intermixture of anti-free-market attributes has mostly been on the rise since Woodrow Wilson. As a result, many of the prerequisites for free market capitalism have not existed in the United States for nearly a century.

        But even were we to suddenly revert to a pure free market system, Sarto, I think it would take a lot of time for us to recover our previously existing “middle class morality.” We would, however, immediately notice the lack of that morality.

        If anything, free market capitalism acts to reveal certain things about the character of a people. If they choose foolishly or practice prodigality or licentiousness, then we know they are fools and prodigals and licentious. Had they had no opportunity, we and they might not have known this…but it doesn’t mean it wouldn’t have still been true.

        Anyway, laissez faire capitalism did not begin to take over with Reagan, and certainly does not exist today in the United States, nor did it under George W. Bush, whom Republicans consider a squishy moderate with respect to domestic policy. The housing bubble was caused by government economic intrusion, for example.

        I think were we to return to economic freedom too abruptly, we would suffer as the Eastern Europeans initially suffered after the fall of Communism: Too many virtues, so long suppressed, were no longer present in the population and had to be relearned.

        But that doesn’t mean we wouldn’t be better off for it, in the long run.